Incontinence Swimsuit

Explanation of vote on the document presented by the national secretariat

It 'good that we face in this CPN stock of the political party, because it is opening a new phase, aspects of binding. To respond to the observations of Rinaldi companion on the line or even the policies of the Congress of Chianciano, I believe we can easily say that the Congress of Chianciano expressed a prevailing political line that has saved us from the death of a communist party in Italy, but we must be aware that the party, after the Rainbow Project, is an orphan in a political project, but that the split has caused serious damage, including the most significant is that divided the Left (and does not place the Democratic Party in this training) in two components that are then in open competition with each other and conflicting for now, and since then it is objectively more difficult the action of a communist party who knowingly rejects the approval, and all the compatibility. However, enlargement of the national secretariat to the second point, I believe that my constituents as not to be forgotten veteran authoritarian and discriminatory actions against minority interior is very sensitive to the issue dell'agibilità policy and collective management structures of the party, so in the name of the concept of internal pluralism and democracy, I evaluate how successful entry into office of two of his companions, who, moreover, have not deemed politically correct vendoliani out with others, in the division that has hurt the party for months and tended to damage it. I also think that the political convergence with the axis of the established political CONGRESS CHIANCIANO will be in the process of osmotic and indeed occurred.

The Federation at a glance what I say now may not be absolute: it can not be an announcement of negative developments nor neo-rainbow, or disbanded to a new subject. It 's true that the PRC for the first problem is how to overcome the obstacles of the bipolar world and in this context that created the proposal from the Federation of alternative left that could change not just the prospect of the party: the political point is that we need to increase critical mass of consensus and create a system of alliances broader unified list, but this can not happen without two essential and unavoidable, that the roots and the social credibility. Since the Fed appears to be a compromise between all different needs to be pursued, the proposal is ambiguity on at least two aspects, first of all the issue of transfer of sovereignty of the individuals and secondly, the relationship between Autonomy and Unity. Central

therefore, in my opinion, is that you can continue to speak of the Federation without addressing, simultaneously, raise the question of the re-establishment of our party, not in the empty form of enunciation, but in substance, that is to practice and test , otherwise, if you do, you risk decompose, and this could be a step that is then to overcome it. On this subject should be given a clear political message this CPN. also because the situation is not good of the party in the territories and I am not referring only to the alarming fact of membership. Indeed the lack of guidance on the rules of operation of the Federation and the absence of clear objectives have caused doubt among the comrades in the confusion and basic approach of the territories, where they were born in these months structures with different, sometimes even contrary to 'idea of \u200b\u200bFederation.

The project so far has appeared to the most confused and uncertain and it served side-by-sometimes to slow down and even capture the political initiative of the associations (with difficulty responding to requests for coordination, liaison between neighboring federations that some common disputes and territorial cohesion in the struggle that comes from the regional structure of the party), sometimes ha dato vita invece a coordinamenti forzosi persino a livello di zona o alla costituzione di circoli unificati , a feste "unitarie".... etc.

Ma penso che il peggio proviene dal dibattito politico in corso nel partito, laddove si sviluppa, e non sempre nel confronto aperto, ( ad es, la Direzione Nazionale di ieri era la prima volta che discuteva di questo Progetto che però è in campo dal 18 luglio), in cui la Federazione per ora è apparsa come un ombrello sotto il quale convivono progetti politici diversi.
Infatti su di essa i compagni di base si fanno domande elementari , ma essenziali fra cui : " La Federazione alla fine sarà la convergenza fra PDCI e Prc?" in questo caso allora la Federazione è solo un escamotage tattico" . And yet some people wonder: "Maybe in the end perhaps the revival neo-rainbow? So the Federation is a tool to build the unitary subject of the Left." And here it is clear that those who want to pursue this goal to overcome, unlike the first, the relationship between two people, between the PDCI and PRC. In any case, these two strains both want to pass the PRC as a political independent and both have a strong underlying attitude, not as nihilistic Bertinotti, but skepticism about the fate of the PRC.
But I think that there is an alternative to the position that these claims be the center of the PRC, it should not be exceeded, because the project of building a Left alternative, which we said was necessitated by election results and the expansion of the consensus for our party, we can sustain and support only if you have at home, as the centerpiece, a Communist Party that imposed by the determination and consistency transformation of society, and for now, for that matter, out of our party, there is no other organization has the basis for a profile like this.
The only credible proposal is therefore to build a left alternative as a field of autonomous force, of course, to expand, of course, that converges in uniform lists, but where the PRC is the main subject, for this purpose on this should concentrate our efforts to make it a party re-established, which is oriented in social conflict, and that the gentlemen at the battle of opposition to the Berlusconi government in the country.
Last point: I agree with the context that the national secretary expressed the limits so far found in the proposed party, to which there has been no overall policy and institutional plan with a central processing a proposal to defeat Berlusconi and create the conditions for a government institution where you received a proportional electoral law, which is essential to overcome the bipolar I, however, correct but unrealistic proposal for a government institution to make the law for six months and then resign, but above this which is circumvented and bypassed the PRC is how we build an opposition in the country that could determine the final outlet. Therefore, the resumption of the conflict to do now is not to be disconnected from the opposition to the Government.

Rogers Hide Caller Id

Intervention Adriana Miniati the CPN of the PRC - 12 / 13 September 2009 Targetti Sandro

confirm the usefulness and correctness of a collegial management of the party, especially in the current difficulties, but is very concerned about the tightness of the left turn decided by the Congress of Chianciano especially in terms of re-foundation and the building of a communist anti-capitalist alternative to left and right to the PD. Pull back on these two aspects, closely linked to each other, and fall back on a politicized management of that proposed "federation" would result in a moderate and inconclusive results, a different policy.

My concern is motivated by the fact that this has already happened in Florence in July with the election of a new office based on a majority different from that of Chianciano and very much in continuity with the party that ran the first defeat of the rainbow. There are sharp differences emerged on analysis of the vote in local elections and choices to make in the upcoming regional, both socially and politically. In the report, the Secretary has rightly placed emphasis on the centrality of our social intervention, but there has been no initiation of discussion on the upcoming regional elections and the Congress of the CGIL. I think this no longer be postponed because our presence in the conflicts and issues of the crisis to be effective in need of a proposal, a projection of the political-institutional clear and consistent, both with the contents of the struggles in which we are engaged with both the work of construction of an anti-capitalist left, an alternative to the PD and the logic of bipolarity. I do not like the climate of this shabby and careless CPN: the difficulties of the PRC are not exceeded with tactical agreements and ambiguous, but clearly working to fill a political and social alternative.

Amber Lynn Dickman And Throbbin Videeo

Intervention by the CPN of the PRC - 12 / September 13, 2009 Statement by Alba Paolini


The route "innovative" initiated by Congress in Venice, which suppressed the organization, ignoring the marginal circles and considering the membership, we put up a road downhill all the way until the turn of the Congress of Chianciano.

From birth of the party, 1991, with 112,835 subscribers, the highest peak reached in 1997, with 130,509 subscribers, (Organization: Cripps / Caprili) and 1999 (the year of separation) and thereafter, falling below the 100,000 subscribers, up to reach the final since the 2007 with 86,236 members. Since then, we find it hard to regroup. The current membership is around 40%. We are therefore all called to help the organization to rebuild the network of those responsible for membership and of proselytizing, one of our main tasks. Urgent is the commitment of the project in which the Communist Refoundation forgive circles the center of our strategic force. Still others are impediments to the strengthening of the party, including: real estate, (two examples, the abandonment of Naples and disaster management in Rome). The lack of clarity in the proposed line of the federation, what we mean and what are the rules? Let's talk about content and here I mean that if someone thinks that the Fed may be the tool to initiate the passing of our party, the political and cultural area, represented by the Communist Left, immediately declares his total aversion. The party tool must be running and must belong to all without exclusion of minorities repeat mistakes, but each with its own capabilities, history and belief. With the single common project: Strengthening the Communist Party of the PRC. The Congress of Chianciano in fact expected to be deployed, with less talk and more action policies. Then to work, workers in need of a great fight and joined the Communist Party.

Does The Platypus Make A Good Pet?

the CPN of the PRC - 12 / 13 September 2009 Speech by Fabio Biasio


Our German comrades of "DIE LINKE" have achieved a very satisfactory outcome of the election in the recent elections in three regions. The September 27 parliamentary elections will be held for the renewal of the federal parliament and the DIE LINKE there is a clear result by about 12 percent, which would mean an expansion of its presence not only in the regions of former East Germany, has always been strongholds of the Left, but also in the regions of western Germany.

I live in Berlin for 23 years and I have followed the development of this political movement since its birth as a PDS after the fall of the Wall: Now a lot of work into contact with DIE LINKE, for the campaign. One wonders the reason why in our party and their so there are differences of gross electoral success, then it means that local presence and ability to address and work on issues of social interest. I think of two reasons: a difference delle realtà politico-sociali tra Germania e Italia: la ”grande coalizione“ della Merkel tra Cristiano-Democratici e Socialdemocratici spinge altrove gli elettori delusi da questa alleanza, spostando i loro voti verso l´estrema destra e, fortunatamente, soprattutto verso l´estrema sinistra. In ogni caso in Germania la coscienza politica resta molto alta i dibattiti politici si svolgono in Parlamento, come dovrebbe essere, e non in salotti televisivi come in Italia. Il secondo motivo ha a che fare con il partito stesso e con il suo modo estremamente semplice e diretto di portare avanti battaglie politiche ”di base“ come quelle sulle paghe orarie minime, sull´età pensionabile, sulle tassazioni sui redditi più alti and the withdrawal of troops in Afghanistan. All issues of struggle that would be applicable also in Italy and probably would be longer taken into account if you follow a political practice more "basic" and closer to the territory.

Mega Vieo Ben10 Alien Force

the CPN of the PRC - 12 / 13 September 2009 Speech by Gianluigi

For the sake of summary, I will focus on some of the nodes placed in the report of the Secretary. The first node
regard to the adequacy of our initiative. It 'true that the precondition for the revival of our role is the ability to enable and support of social conflict, and it is equally true that at this level have many limitations, especially in the ability to extend our assistance. Some signs of recovery are there, but not enough. We must therefore equip themselves to strengthen our social initiative. I wonder, however, whether this commitment will automatically solve the problem of consensus-building, that is, our standing in a vast area of \u200b\u200bpublic opinion on the left.
I have my doubts in this regard. The limit, in fact, that I feel is not only to insufficient social initiative, but also the capacity to give breath to the same general political, connecting it with the battle against the government, reducing it to a proposal for ending the crisis that is included in mass and to enable us to compete with other political forces. This connection between the fight social and political struggle must be carried out. Some possibilities are there. I want to give just one example. In a few months we will have a fundamental event: the regional elections. I think before we speak of formulas of the alliances we need to identify some key content, taking them as parameters of our choices. In this respect, I think we should put in the programs a key demand: that the regions should adopt real "jobs and plans to defend against the effects of the crisis." I think of a coherent set of proposals that spazino the Protection of jobs, protection of income, measures of ecological reconversion of the economy. This proposal defines a set of goals Qualifying socially, but also allows you to connect the local with regional disputes. If, then, such a proposal were to be practiced in ways that would allow widespread participation - for example by popular petitions - might provide an opportunity for a broad mobilization of the party and for its visibility.

A second node that would like to address is the policy proposal that is submitted by the Secretary, namely: the 'democratic alliance' for a limited time a government institution that proposes to launch a new proportional electoral law as well as to country's democratic consolidation. This is a proposal that one merit: it tries to answer a question that exists at ground level and that is how to build the conditions to beat Berlusconi. At the same time, it is proposed to overcome the bipolar. The proposal, however, has its limitations: it is still vague and should be punctuated with its many implications, but above all it is projected on a future scenario in the aftermath of the fall of Berlusconi. I wonder: this fall is imminent? And if - as I think - it's not, what remains of the proposal? It seems to me that there is only one chance to be able to advance with a minimum of coherence: From now on the "issue of democracy" (from the fight against security package) must enter the agenda of the Battle of opposition, growing a body of opinion that can gather a cross-party consensus. In this lies the question of electoral law. The battle for the proportion to be built immediately, if you want to speculate on a future electoral alliance, and with tools that allow for extensive mobilization and that are shared by a broad range of forces. In this respect, I think we should take the suggestion of a law of popular initiative for reintroduction of a proportional electoral system from the proposal that a working group which includes, apart from us, other political forces and a significant number of experts is working. The third node

I would like to address is the federation. That there is a need for the construction of an alternative pole of the left there is no doubt, but how to build and open question. A first risk is the possibility, very concrete, that the federation is seen as a simple container and as such is not very attractive. Nor do I believe that all point the need for unity on the left and the illusion that because of what the Fed can achieve consensus is sufficient. After the experience of the Rainbow, there is no unity when it does not take that communicates values, if not take a profile convincing. The strength of a left alternative can only be to embody a demand for change interpreter and to be consistent, primarily acting in support of social conflict. If there is the ability to take that point of view, the results will come. The worrying factor is that the opposite is happening in the territories of what would be necessary. The federation is presented as an Politic, no characterization significant than that of the intrinsic value of the combination. And 'I am convinced that if the Fed does not show right away its social utility - for example taking as the central crisis intervention - the risk of bankruptcy are very real. The main problem is the proposal of the federation, however, the system is compatible with the development of our party. That there is this compatibility is not certain. Depends on the rules that the federation will be given and so far we have not had an opportunity to deepen. In the case of a transfer of sovereignty would be too large for the party to lose its raison d'être, but also depends on how strong a commitment to revitalizing the party. I refer not only to research on the subject of communism, but also an extraordinary intervention on the membership, to support for the social circles, the training of executives and so on. This commitment - we have to recognize - and now there is the risk that the party tent to wear is real. Some might think that, given the weakness suffered by the party, there is but one chance: to stake everything on the federation. A calculation would be very shortsighted. A federation without a strong Communist Party in it is not destined to last, not to mention the fact that the weakening of the party eventually moved to the federation by making it a small thing. In all honesty, I must say that at this point in the debate revealed many ambiguities and silences.

And I'm the last node, the management unit. As I had several opportunities to reiterate, I believe deeply in the value of pluralism and therefore the involvement in gestione del partito di tutte le mozioni. Per questo sono favorevole alla proposta di allargamento della segreteria ai compagni della mozione 2, ma proprio in nome dello stesso principio di pluralismo è necessario che tale allargamento venga rappresentato per quello che è. Per farla breve, si tratta di dar vita ad una segreteria collegiale in cui vi è condivisione su alcune scelte, ma in cui permango differenze sul piano strategico. Da questo punto di vista, alcuni interventi dei compagni della mozione 2 sono stati, a tale riguardo, assai espliciti, marcando differenze di non poco conto sul giudizio sulla linea di Chianciano e sulla stessa idea di unità a sinistra. Allora, laicamente riconosciamo che tutti hanno il diritto a concorrere alla gestione del party, an exchange of ideas is always better than one part of management as homogeneous, but we do not deny the differences, recognizing them for what they are, especially if they are relevant.

Objects That Make You Happy

Pegolo the CPN of the PRC - 12 / 13 September 2009

The explosive situation prevailing in the country with the anti-democratic tendencies that are living with the economic crisis that has not yet fully manifested in its most dramatic from the social point of view, mean that the re- construction of a Communist Party in Italy is not a necessity long overdue. state prevailing in the PRC with the membership to 40%, with the economic situation that is going through with the organization to a minimum and the subsequent resetting of the initiative policy in many areas, not just the result of some misfortune that befell him there. It is a vacuum of political leadership that we discount, is the lack of clarity and willingness to tackle the real nodes of the debate. The choice of the National Secretary to postpone the discussion on two issues at all secondary, as the Congress of the CGIL and the upcoming regional elections. It is in this vacuum that it feeds the confusion in the body of the party. I agree that not enough to be outside the factory gates to express the solidarity that workers deserve the fight, but how do we fulfill our historic role if these nodes do not dissolve and is not sufficiently clear in Democratic Party of places?! How do you become a reference point for workers if we are unable to express a clear policy proposal on the ground also the trade unions? I believe that we intended to stay out of those gates if we are not able to determine the relationship of forces inside the Union. The isolation of the CGIL wanted to put millions of workers in a malaise that, to date, we can not intercept. And while the idea of \u200b\u200bco-management of firms is liquidated, Epifani knocks on the door of Confindustria and FIOM is literally thrown out of the negotiating table because of Federmeccanica believes its platform "not negotiable" (a situation that puts at risk one of the last bastions of resistance within the union), our Party shall assist unable to effectively support the most advanced positions. Our policy is urgently needed to rebuild a union that would call into the field in all the country's social and working situations. Meeting

still lack of clarity in the case of the Federation, which was first advanced by the Secretary out of the national governing bodies of the Party, and although he was clear in debunking any idea of \u200b\u200btolerance or in the immediate termination of the PRC, not was also on the rules and parties concerned, which I believe are the first joint training to our left. The Federation could to be articulated in different ways depending on the territories over which the internal equilibrium of a real political project. I extend the utmost concern of course the health of the party because, in parallel with the construction of the Federation, should be put in place an idea and a practice of re-launching of the PRC is not there.

addresses two further questions. On the assumption of government institutional term, although the proposal would put the party to shelter in a possibility that, frankly, I do not see the doors, the fall of the Berlusconi government, I think that it should be framed in the overall battle of opposition by the PRC. It should launch a strong campaign to defend the democratic institutions required and freedom in this country and only in the name of this, I think we can also talk to political parties away from us.
Finally, I have always called for unified management of the Party was in opposition when my internal component, are also favorable now, but always in the clarity of the positions and the party line. The entrance of the Companions of Motion 2 in the Secretariat does not reset the political differences, which are always a resource, because pluralism is not unanimous. I hope however that you make every effort to complete this unit as the basis for the preservation and revitalization of the PRC Communist.

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Laura Petrone CPN intervention of the PRC - 12 / 13 September 2009

Birthday With Futures Job

FOR CONTINUING Refounding COMMUNIST